AFRICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY
The African-American district at Chadwick-Hoskins Mill No. 5 was
unique in the small towns. The black who toiled in the mill yards
in Huntersville or Cornelius never inhabited the mill villages
there. Instead, most African Americans in Huntersville and
Cornelius, as well as Matthews, were concentrated in distinct
enclaves at the outskirts. These were racially segregated places,
born of obdurate racial prejudice and proscribed by social customs
that townsfolk rarely questioned.61 Living conditions in
black districts, which were often poorly drained low lying areas,
could be undeniably harsh. For example, in 1909 the county's health
director ordered the Town of Huntersville to destroy five "colored"
dwellings because tuberculosis was "raging" there.62
Nonetheless, over time blacks established solid communities,
erecting houses, churches, and schools along the red clay roads
that dipped and turned through the landscape.
Black districts grew in tandem with the towns. Across North
Carolina and the South during the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, African Americans quit sharecropping for a
better chance in towns and cities.63 In Mecklenburg
County, by the 1910s substantial black settlements, had developed
at the outskirts of the three towns. At the south end of
Huntersville, blacks inhabited Pottstown, an area named for its
leading resident, brick mason Otho Potts. Smithville, Cornelius'
principal African-American settlement, grew up at the west end of
town on land belonging to white farmer George Smith. Smith sold
lots to blacks, who paid cash for parcels and secured loans at the
Cornelius Savings and Loan to build their houses. At the eastern
border of Matthews, spanning both sides of the railroad, Tanktown
was that town's black community. "Tanktown" (today known as
Crestdale) referred to the railroad water tank that originally
stood at heart of the district, near the tracks. The men who
operated the tank and lived nearby made up the settlement's
earliest residents.64
Black men were engaged in an assortment of jobs both within and
outside their community. Many performed odd jobs in the towns, or
worked as field hands at neighboring farms. Others held steadier
employment as laborers in the local mills or railroad yards,
skilled artisans, Main Street barbers, ministers, or maintenance
men for uptown institutions and business establishments. Tanktown's
Robert Kirkpatrick, for example, was the janitor at the Matthews
School. Harvey Boyd founded Tanktown's Mount Moriah Baptist Church
and was its first minister. His son Calvin worked in a brick yard
near Matthews, and grandson Sam Boyd was a maintenance man and
later a switchman for the Seaboard Railroad. I. A. Withers in
Smithville was a house carpenter, while neighbor James Derr worked
at both of Cornelius' textile mills. A number of men in Pottstown
were employed as janitors, yard men, and kitchen help at the
Mecklenburg Sanitarium, which opened directly across the railroad
tracks from the community in 1926.65
Many of the women of Pottstown also worked at the sanitarium,
while females in each of the all-black districts made the daily
trip uptown to jobs as domestics for white households. In Tanktown,
for instance, Jesse Johnson Bell, a sharecropper's daughter
and-wife to Sanders Bell, who had also farmed on shares, worked as
the cook for the Dr. Thomas Neely Reid family of
Matthews.66 Although the Bell House is a new replacement
of the original on the site, its setting reflects the pride of
place and self-reliance that historically characterized
African-American communities. Cedar and chinaberry trees shade the
unpaved lane that winds to the residence, which has ornamental
shrubs and flowers near the foundation, and farther away, a
vegetable garden and sizable chicken pen.
Early dwellings in Tanktown, Smithville, and Pottstown usually
represented familiar vernacular forms. Typical is the gable-roofed
house with two all-purpose front rooms and a rear kitchen and
bedroom ell that stands among similar houses in Smithville. Tenuous
economic circumstances rarely allowed residents the luxury of
building dwellings that reflected the latest architectural trends,
or that even rose above a single story. But an exception is the I.
A. Withers House. About 1910, Withers displayed his carpentry
skills and social status in Smithville by erecting this two-story,
frame residence on the most prominent site, at the main entrance
into the district. Though it may not be as grand as the Colonial
Revival residences which appeared uptown in this period, during its
years as the Withers homeplace--when the wraparound porch featured
handsome classical columns--this house was Smithville's finest
example of domestic architecture.
Churches and schools were other principal elements of the
historic black landscape. The churches, in particular, were the
focal points of each community. They served as favorite gathering
places, provided rare opportunities for blacks to exercise
leadership skills, and offered social welfare for families in need.
Baptist churches arrived in Pottstown and Tanktown almost
immediately after the first families. St. Phillip Baptist Church
was established in Pottstown in 1876, and in 1879 Mount Moriah
Baptist Church held its first services in Tanktown. The Union
Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, founded in 1917, is
considered to be Smithville's first religious institution. In the
ensuing decades a variety of other churches--Presbyterian, African
Methodist Episcopal, and United House of Prayer--were also formed.
None of the early church buildings, which long-time residents
remember as simple wooden structures, remains. For as these
churches have continued to play active roles in the black
districts, their congregations have periodically erected new
buildings, usually with brick or concrete veneers.67
Schoolhouses arose more slowly in these communities, where
public money for black school facilities was sorely
limited.68 Before the 1920s, the public education of
Mecklenburg's rural black children was mostly a sporadic affair,
conducted in substandard structures often located beyond a
reasonable walking distance for most children. Sam Boyd of Tanktown
recalls that the nearest school for blacks was a converted shotgun
house situated miles away, at Hood's Crossroads. "We didn't go to
school but about three months out of the year. We children had to
help our parents on the land. We were another pair of hands to
plant, hoe, weed, and harvest." 69 The decade of the
twenties, however, saw a dramatic increase in the number and
quality of black rural schools in Mecklenburg County and throughout
the South. The driving force behind the improvement of black
schooling in these years was the Julius Rosenwald Fund. Rosenwald,
who was president of Sears, Roebuck and Company and one of
America's leading philanthropists, established the Fund to provide
matching grants to Southern, rural black communities for school
construction. The Rosenwald school-building program was a
cooperative effort, combining Rosenwald money and building designs
with the financial and administrative support of black communities
and local school boards. During the 1920s, when the Rosenwald Fund
was most active, seven hundred and sixty-seven Rosenwald schools were
completed in North Carolina, twenty-six of them Mecklenburg
County.70
Smithville, Pottstown, and Tanktown each received a Rosenwald
school. In 1922-23 a three-teacher facility was built upon a high
point of land near the center of Smithville. The following year
Tanktown received a four-teacher school; and in 1925-26 a Rosenwald
school designed for four teachers was erected in
Pottstown.71
With the cost of a four-teacher schoolhouse averaging four
thousand dollars--equal to a middle-class suburban house--a
well-organized local fund raising campaign was essential. In
Tanktown, for example, the parents of school children were assessed
twenty-five dollars, or pledged to help erect the new "Matthews
Colored School." Additional money was raised through community fish
fries and a donation from the mission society of the Presbyterian
Church, U.S.A.72
Rosenwald designs produced the most up-to-date rural black
schools of their time. Each plan incorporated banks of tall sash
windows and included siting specifications to maximize natural
lighting. Layouts were planned to be "simple and efficient, n with
classrooms and "industrial room" arranged around a central corridor
and cloak room. All buildings were one-story high, and most were
sheathed in white weatherboarding.73
Despite the physical improvements, educational facilities in the
African-American communities remained below the standards set by
white schools in the adjacent towns. "There was a thousand miles of
difference in the colored schools and the white schools then,
recalls Elnora Stitt, who attended the Matthews Colored School.
"Our school never had an indoor bathroom. It never had a cafeteria,
even when it closed in 1966, and all the black children were sent
to Matthews School."74. Moreover, the new Rosenwald
schools provided, at best, only eighth-grade courses, rather than
the high school education offered to white students.
Today Rosenwald school buildings survive in both Pottstown and
Smithville, where they have been modified over the years and
converted to community centers. They represent the most influential
early steps taken to elevate the quality of black education in the
county, decades before federal intervention and the beginnings of
school integration. The Rosenwald buildings also contribute to the
historic patterns of land use and significant examples of early
architecture that characterize the small-town black districts, even
as these communities receive long-overdue physical
improvements.75
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